Home Page > Editorial and Op-Ed
One Bold Move Deserves Another—And Another—And Another
Mon, 27 Jul 2009 08:50:00
Gov. David Paterson’s appointment of Richard Ravitch earlier this month was the kind of bold, decisive move that many were for so long desperate to see out of him. And indeed, there is something complimentary to be said about a man staking out a strong leadership position and sticking to it.
Unfortunately, though, Paterson not only predicated this move on hazy constitutional grounding, but decided to address the symptom—the lack of a lieutenant governor thanks to a deficient state government structure—rather than the deficient structure itself. And more troubling, he has so far given no indication that he intends to do much about the deeper, larger problems. Whatever happens in the court battles over the legitimacy of Ravitch’s appointment, he should move quickly to start using his bully pulpit to keep promoting a Constitutional Convention. Simultaneously, by serving as a forceful example himself, he can help lead the way to broader changes in how state government behaves.
Few people in the history of New York can claim the insider résumé like Paterson’s: 17 years in the Senate minority, four as minority leader and head of the effort to take the majority, 15 months as lieutenant governor and the last 16 as governor. Arguably no governor took the oath of office with so many years and perspectives on Albany already under his belt. Now the time has come for him to put that expertise to use, rather than leaving Pedro Espada to be the loudest voice on reforming state government.
Given the events of his time as governor so far, bills to change the appointment processes for lieutenant governor (whatever the outcome of the Ravitch situation) and other statewide officials are no-brainers, as is some measure to limit increases in the size of the state budget. Being careful not to step too much on the authority legislators have over their own chambers, he could be an important voice on further rethinking member item distribution and hanging pieces of legislation, like mayoral control of New York City schools.
But the governor does not need legislation or legislators to make a major difference.
Paterson began his time as governor by warning of the need for greater financial responsibility, and over the summer, long before most others realized the depth of the economic crisis, he called the Legislature back into session. That is the kind of force and foresight he should bring to bear again.
Moreover, he could go a long distance to change the atmosphere in Albany just by himself, if, instead of holding the closed-door meetings he favored during the budget negotiations earlier this year, he brings discussions into the open. With massive cuts expected for the anticipated September sessions, time is wasting. Just as he stepped forward last December to try to initiate a transparent budget process, Paterson should give the public and his partners in government a realistic assessment of how many dollars need to be sliced from state spending and where he thinks the likeliest targets for these cuts are. Not only would this improve how things work in the fall, but it could help set a crucial tone for negotiations going into what is certain to be a much more difficult budget next year.
At the same time, the governor should move to fill vacancies on his staff and administration with greater speed, both to ensure that things do not fall through the cracks and to show stability in his office. Nominating Jay Walder to run the MTA may help get the agency back on track, but no position should go unfilled for as long as Walder’s did. The governor needs to set a clear direction for what he wants out of the people in his administration and make sure they have the capacity to reach the goals he gives them. The Empire State Development Corporation, which has proven far more listless than an agency charged with improving the economy in this state should ever be, is just one place where more definitive executive leadership from him could make a major difference.
There are likely political advantages to the governor asserting himself more. Demonstrating strong leadership would be a sure way for the governor to show people that he is a strong leader. Acting like an executive would encourage more people to view him as an executive. For a man who wants to be re-elected governor next year, these are the sort of things that would be political assets. So for the sake of the future of the state, and for the sake of his own future, the call to David Paterson is clear: seize a moment of New Yorkers doubting their leaders to do what everyone needs him to do—lead.
Unfortunately, though, Paterson not only predicated this move on hazy constitutional grounding, but decided to address the symptom—the lack of a lieutenant governor thanks to a deficient state government structure—rather than the deficient structure itself. And more troubling, he has so far given no indication that he intends to do much about the deeper, larger problems. Whatever happens in the court battles over the legitimacy of Ravitch’s appointment, he should move quickly to start using his bully pulpit to keep promoting a Constitutional Convention. Simultaneously, by serving as a forceful example himself, he can help lead the way to broader changes in how state government behaves.
Few people in the history of New York can claim the insider résumé like Paterson’s: 17 years in the Senate minority, four as minority leader and head of the effort to take the majority, 15 months as lieutenant governor and the last 16 as governor. Arguably no governor took the oath of office with so many years and perspectives on Albany already under his belt. Now the time has come for him to put that expertise to use, rather than leaving Pedro Espada to be the loudest voice on reforming state government. Given the events of his time as governor so far, bills to change the appointment processes for lieutenant governor (whatever the outcome of the Ravitch situation) and other statewide officials are no-brainers, as is some measure to limit increases in the size of the state budget. Being careful not to step too much on the authority legislators have over their own chambers, he could be an important voice on further rethinking member item distribution and hanging pieces of legislation, like mayoral control of New York City schools.
But the governor does not need legislation or legislators to make a major difference.
Paterson began his time as governor by warning of the need for greater financial responsibility, and over the summer, long before most others realized the depth of the economic crisis, he called the Legislature back into session. That is the kind of force and foresight he should bring to bear again.
Moreover, he could go a long distance to change the atmosphere in Albany just by himself, if, instead of holding the closed-door meetings he favored during the budget negotiations earlier this year, he brings discussions into the open. With massive cuts expected for the anticipated September sessions, time is wasting. Just as he stepped forward last December to try to initiate a transparent budget process, Paterson should give the public and his partners in government a realistic assessment of how many dollars need to be sliced from state spending and where he thinks the likeliest targets for these cuts are. Not only would this improve how things work in the fall, but it could help set a crucial tone for negotiations going into what is certain to be a much more difficult budget next year.
At the same time, the governor should move to fill vacancies on his staff and administration with greater speed, both to ensure that things do not fall through the cracks and to show stability in his office. Nominating Jay Walder to run the MTA may help get the agency back on track, but no position should go unfilled for as long as Walder’s did. The governor needs to set a clear direction for what he wants out of the people in his administration and make sure they have the capacity to reach the goals he gives them. The Empire State Development Corporation, which has proven far more listless than an agency charged with improving the economy in this state should ever be, is just one place where more definitive executive leadership from him could make a major difference.
There are likely political advantages to the governor asserting himself more. Demonstrating strong leadership would be a sure way for the governor to show people that he is a strong leader. Acting like an executive would encourage more people to view him as an executive. For a man who wants to be re-elected governor next year, these are the sort of things that would be political assets. So for the sake of the future of the state, and for the sake of his own future, the call to David Paterson is clear: seize a moment of New Yorkers doubting their leaders to do what everyone needs him to do—lead.
